{"id":2030,"date":"2017-02-25T14:08:41","date_gmt":"2017-02-25T04:08:41","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.khanfactor.com\/blog\/?p=2030"},"modified":"2017-02-25T14:08:41","modified_gmt":"2017-02-25T04:08:41","slug":"neoliberalism-the-ideology-at-the-root-of-all-our-problems","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.khanfactor.com\/blog\/?p=2030","title":{"rendered":"Neoliberalism ? the ideology at the root of all our problems"},"content":{"rendered":"<header class=\"content__head tonal__head tonal__head--tone-feature \">\n<div class=\"tonal__standfirst u-cf\">\n<div class=\"gs-container\">\n<div class=\"content__main-column\">\n<div class=\"content__standfirst\" data-link-name=\"standfirst\" data-component=\"standfirst\">\n<p>Financial meltdown, environmental disaster and even the rise of Donald Trump ? neoliberalism has played its part in them all. Why has the left failed to come up with an alternative?<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/header>\n<div class=\"content__main tonal__main tonal__main--tone-feature\">\n<div class=\"gs-container\">\n<div class=\"content__main-column content__main-column--article js-content-main-column \">\n<div class=\"js-score\"><\/div>\n<figure id=\"img-1\" class=\"media-primary media-content() \" data-component=\"image\" data-media-id=\"656fb5340b0bc0fd6a4c0abe9186db0daeef3709\">\n<div class=\"u-responsive-ratio\"><picture><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/656fb5340b0bc0fd6a4c0abe9186db0daeef3709\/0_340_2304_1987\/master\/2304.jpg?w=620&amp;q=20&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;dpr=2&amp;s=42ef1807b3183d39491dfbd40bb6ed33 1240w\" media=\"(min-width: 980px) and (-webkit-min-device-pixel-ratio: 1.25), (min-width: 980px) and (min-resolution: 120dpi)\" sizes=\"620px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/656fb5340b0bc0fd6a4c0abe9186db0daeef3709\/0_340_2304_1987\/master\/2304.jpg?w=620&amp;q=55&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;s=c4f307780334bf4791f9e90c49ba0d03 620w\" media=\"(min-width: 980px)\" sizes=\"620px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/656fb5340b0bc0fd6a4c0abe9186db0daeef3709\/0_340_2304_1987\/master\/2304.jpg?w=700&amp;q=20&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;dpr=2&amp;s=2be6cead4254b2532b4ca5ea4d265242 1400w\" media=\"(min-width: 740px) and (-webkit-min-device-pixel-ratio: 1.25), (min-width: 740px) and (min-resolution: 120dpi)\" sizes=\"700px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/656fb5340b0bc0fd6a4c0abe9186db0daeef3709\/0_340_2304_1987\/master\/2304.jpg?w=700&amp;q=55&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;s=a0f7d1723cb350c325b9e039912ee81b 700w\" media=\"(min-width: 740px)\" sizes=\"700px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/656fb5340b0bc0fd6a4c0abe9186db0daeef3709\/0_340_2304_1987\/master\/2304.jpg?w=620&amp;q=20&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;dpr=2&amp;s=42ef1807b3183d39491dfbd40bb6ed33 1240w\" media=\"(min-width: 660px) and (-webkit-min-device-pixel-ratio: 1.25), (min-width: 660px) and (min-resolution: 120dpi)\" sizes=\"620px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/656fb5340b0bc0fd6a4c0abe9186db0daeef3709\/0_340_2304_1987\/master\/2304.jpg?w=620&amp;q=55&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;s=c4f307780334bf4791f9e90c49ba0d03 620w\" media=\"(min-width: 660px)\" sizes=\"620px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/656fb5340b0bc0fd6a4c0abe9186db0daeef3709\/0_340_2304_1987\/master\/2304.jpg?w=645&amp;q=20&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;dpr=2&amp;s=58e6b201e93605d397e070f3189a87c0 1290w\" media=\"(min-width: 480px) and (-webkit-min-device-pixel-ratio: 1.25), (min-width: 480px) and (min-resolution: 120dpi)\" sizes=\"645px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/656fb5340b0bc0fd6a4c0abe9186db0daeef3709\/0_340_2304_1987\/master\/2304.jpg?w=645&amp;q=55&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;s=17a3e97fae220bfca621f550e1d50250 645w\" media=\"(min-width: 480px)\" sizes=\"645px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/656fb5340b0bc0fd6a4c0abe9186db0daeef3709\/0_340_2304_1987\/master\/2304.jpg?w=465&amp;q=20&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;dpr=2&amp;s=e2236c945f5d5883eef441a96dbe207e 930w\" media=\"(min-width: 0px) and (-webkit-min-device-pixel-ratio: 1.25), (min-width: 0px) and (min-resolution: 120dpi)\" sizes=\"465px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/656fb5340b0bc0fd6a4c0abe9186db0daeef3709\/0_340_2304_1987\/master\/2304.jpg?w=465&amp;q=55&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;s=b7b1dfdb133f0f4ff395b54cdb8d0a4f 465w\" media=\"(min-width: 0px)\" sizes=\"465px\" \/><img decoding=\"async\" class=\"maxed responsive-img\" src=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/656fb5340b0bc0fd6a4c0abe9186db0daeef3709\/0_340_2304_1987\/master\/2304.jpg?w=640&#038;ssl=1\" alt=\"Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher at the White House.\" data-recalc-dims=\"1\" \/><\/picture><\/div><figcaption class=\"caption caption--img caption--main\">?No alternative? ? Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher at the White House. Photograph: Rex Features<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<div class=\"content__meta-container js-content-meta js-football-meta u-cf content__meta-container--twitter \"><\/div>\n<div class=\"content__article-body from-content-api js-article__body\" data-test-id=\"article-review-body\">\n<p><span class=\"drop-cap\"><span class=\"drop-cap__inner\">I<\/span><\/span>magine if the people of the Soviet Union had never heard of communism. The ideology that dominates our lives has, for most of us, no name. Mention it in conversation and you?ll be rewarded with a shrug. Even if your listeners have heard the term before, they will struggle to define it. Neoliberalism: do you know what it is?<\/p>\n<p><!--more--><\/p>\n<p>Its anonymity is both a symptom and cause of its power. It has played a major role in a remarkable variety of crises: the <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/business\/financial-crisis\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">financial meltdown<\/a> of 2007?8, the offshoring of wealth and power, of which the <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/news\/series\/panama-papers\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">Panama Papers<\/a> offer us merely a glimpse, the slow collapse of public health and education, resurgent child poverty, <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/commentisfree\/2014\/oct\/14\/age-of-loneliness-killing-us\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">the epidemic of loneliness<\/a>, the collapse of ecosystems, the rise of <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/us-news\/donaldtrump\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">Donald Trump<\/a>. But we respond to these crises as if they emerge in isolation, apparently unaware that they have all been either catalysed or exacerbated by the same coherent philosophy; a philosophy that has ? or had ? a name. What greater power can there be than to operate namelessly?<\/p>\n<aside class=\"element element-pullquote element--supporting\">\n<blockquote>\n<p class=\"pullquote-paragraph\">Inequality is recast as virtuous. The market ensures that everyone gets what they deserve.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/aside>\n<p>So pervasive has neoliberalism become that we seldom even recognise it as an ideology. We appear to accept the proposition that this utopian, millenarian faith describes a neutral force; a kind of biological law, like Darwin?s theory of evolution. But the philosophy arose as a conscious attempt to reshape human life and shift the locus of power.<\/p>\n<p>Neoliberalism sees competition as the defining characteristic of human relations. It redefines citizens as consumers, whose democratic choices are best exercised by buying and selling, a process that rewards merit and punishes inefficiency. It maintains that ?the market? delivers benefits that could never be achieved by planning.<\/p>\n<p>Attempts to limit competition are treated as inimical to liberty. Tax and regulation should be minimised, public services should be privatised. The organisation of labour and collective bargaining by <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/politics\/tradeunions\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">trade unions<\/a> are portrayed as market distortions that impede the formation of a natural hierarchy of winners and losers. Inequality is recast as virtuous: a reward for utility and a generator of wealth, which trickles down to enrich everyone. Efforts to create a more equal society are both counterproductive and morally corrosive. The market ensures that everyone gets what they deserve.<\/p>\n<p>We internalise and reproduce its creeds. <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/commentisfree\/2011\/nov\/07\/one-per-cent-wealth-destroyers\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">The rich persuade themselves<\/a> that they acquired their wealth through merit, ignoring the advantages ? such as education, inheritance and class ? that may have helped to secure it. The poor begin to blame themselves for their failures, even when they can do little to change their circumstances.<\/p>\n<p>Never mind structural unemployment: if you don?t have a job it?s because you are unenterprising. Never mind the impossible costs of housing: if your credit card is maxed out, you?re feckless and improvident. Never mind that your children no longer have a school playing field: if they get fat, it?s your fault. In a world governed by competition, those who fall behind become defined and self-defined as losers.<\/p>\n<aside class=\"element element-rich-link element--thumbnail element-rich-link--upgraded\" data-component=\"rich-link\" data-link-name=\"rich-link-2 | 1\">\n<div class=\"rich-link tone-comment--item \">\n<div class=\"rich-link__container\">\n<div class=\"rich-link__header\">\n<h1 class=\"rich-link__title\"><a class=\"rich-link__link\">Neoliberalism has brought out the worst in us<\/a><\/h1>\n<div class=\"rich-link__byline\"><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"rich-link__read-more\"><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/aside>\n<p>Among the results, as Paul Verhaeghe documents in his book <em>What About Me?<\/em> are epidemics of self-harm, eating disorders, depression, loneliness, performance anxiety and social phobia. Perhaps it?s unsurprising that Britain, in which neoliberal ideology has been most rigorously applied, is <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"http:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/news\/politics\/10909524\/Britain-the-loneliness-capital-of-Europe.html\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">the loneliness capital of Europe<\/a>. We are all neoliberals now.<\/p>\n<p>***<\/p>\n<p>The term neoliberalism was coined at a meeting in Paris in 1938. Among the delegates were two men who came to define the ideology, Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich Hayek. Both exiles from Austria, they saw social democracy, exemplified by Franklin Roosevelt?s New Deal and the gradual development of Britain?s welfare state, as manifestations of a collectivism that occupied the same spectrum as nazism and communism.<br \/>\nIn The Road to Serfdom, published in 1944, Hayek argued that government planning, by crushing individualism, would lead inexorably to totalitarian control. Like Mises?s book <em>Bureaucracy<\/em>, <em>The Road to Serfdom<\/em> was widely read. It came to the attention of some very wealthy people, who saw in the philosophy an opportunity to free themselves from regulation and tax. When, in 1947, Hayek founded the first organisation that would spread the doctrine of neoliberalism ? the <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.montpelerin.org\/\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">Mont Pelerin Society<\/a> ? it was supported financially by millionaires and their foundations.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<p>With their help, he began to create what Daniel Stedman Jones describes in <em>Masters of the Universe<\/em> as ?a kind of neoliberal international?: a transatlantic network of academics, businessmen, journalists and activists. The movement?s rich backers funded a <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/politics\/2013\/sep\/30\/list-thinktanks-uk\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">series of thinktanks<\/a> which would refine and promote the ideology. Among them were the <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"http:\/\/www.aei.org\/\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">American Enterprise Institute<\/a>, <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"http:\/\/www.heritage.org\/\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">the Heritage Foundation<\/a>, <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"http:\/\/www.cato.org\/\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">the Cato Institute<\/a>, <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"http:\/\/www.iea.org.uk\/\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">the Institute of Economic Affairs<\/a>, <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"http:\/\/www.cps.org.uk\/\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">the Centre for Policy Studies<\/a> and <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"http:\/\/www.adamsmith.org\/\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">the Adam Smith Institute<\/a>. They also financed academic positions and departments, particularly at the universities of Chicago and Virginia.<\/p>\n<aside class=\"element element-rich-link element-rich-link--tag element--thumbnail element-rich-link--upgraded\" data-component=\"rich-link-tag\" data-link-name=\"rich-link-tag\">\n<div class=\"rich-link tone-news--item \"><\/div>\n<\/aside>\n<p>As it evolved, neoliberalism became more strident. Hayek?s view that governments should regulate competition to prevent monopolies from forming gave way ? among American apostles such as <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/news\/2006\/nov\/17\/guardianobituaries.politics\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">Milton Friedman<\/a>? to the belief that monopoly power could be seen as a reward for efficiency.<\/p>\n<p>Something else happened during this transition: the movement lost its name. In 1951, Friedman was happy to <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"http:\/\/0055d26.netsolhost.com\/friedman\/pdfs\/other_commentary\/Farmand.02.17.1951.pdf\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">describe himself as a neoliberal<\/a>. But soon after that, the term began to disappear. Stranger still, even as the ideology became crisper and the movement more coherent, the lost name was not replaced by any common alternative.<\/p>\n<p>At first, despite its lavish funding, neoliberalism remained at the margins. The postwar consensus was almost universal: <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/profile\/john-maynard-keynes\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">John Maynard Keynes<\/a>?s economic prescriptions were widely applied, full employment and the relief of poverty were common goals in the US and much of western Europe, top rates of tax were high and governments sought social outcomes without embarrassment, developing new public services and safety nets.<\/p>\n<p>But in the 1970s, when Keynesian policies began to fall apart and economic crises struck on both sides of the Atlantic, neoliberal ideas began to enter the mainstream. As Friedman remarked, ?when the time came that you had to change &#8230; there was an alternative ready there to be picked up?. With the help of sympathetic journalists and political advisers, elements of neoliberalism, especially its prescriptions for monetary policy, were adopted by Jimmy Carter?s administration in the US and Jim Callaghan?s government in Britain.<\/p>\n<aside class=\"element element-pullquote element--supporting\">\n<blockquote>\n<p class=\"pullquote-paragraph\">It may seem strange that a doctrine promising choice should have been promoted with the slogan &#8216;there is no alternative&#8217;<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/aside>\n<p>After Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan took power, the rest of the package soon followed: massive tax cuts for the rich, the crushing of trade unions, deregulation, privatisation, outsourcing and competition in public services. Through the IMF, the World Bank, the Maastricht treaty and the World Trade Organisation, neoliberal policies were imposed ? often without democratic consent ? on much of the world. Most remarkable was its adoption among parties that once belonged to the left: Labour and the Democrats, for example. As Stedman Jones notes, ?it is hard to think of another utopia to have been as fully realised.?<\/p>\n<p>***<\/p>\n<p>It may seem strange that a doctrine promising choice and freedom should have been promoted with the slogan ?there is no alternative?. But, <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"http:\/\/www.counterpunch.org\/2006\/11\/17\/the-road-from-serfdom\/\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">as Hayek remarked<\/a>on a visit to Pinochet?s Chile ? one of the first nations in which the programme was comprehensively applied ? ?my personal preference leans toward a liberal dictatorship rather than toward a democratic government devoid of liberalism?. The freedom that neoliberalism offers, which sounds so beguiling when expressed in general terms, turns out to mean freedom for the pike, not for the minnows.<\/p>\n<p>Freedom from trade unions and collective bargaining means the freedom to suppress wages. Freedom from regulation means the <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/environment\/georgemonbiot\/2015\/nov\/12\/toothless-environment-agency-is-allowing-the-living-world-to-be-wrecked-with-impunity\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">freedom to poison rivers<\/a>, endanger workers, charge iniquitous rates of interest and design exotic financial instruments. Freedom from tax means freedom from the distribution of wealth that lifts people out of poverty.<\/p>\n<figure id=\"img-2\" class=\"element element-image img--landscape fig--narrow-caption fig--has-shares \" data-component=\"image\" data-media-id=\"08ffcf400cb8a96c3aa28b6341fdd8c5f9a77ca0\">\n<div class=\"u-responsive-ratio\"><picture><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/08ffcf400cb8a96c3aa28b6341fdd8c5f9a77ca0\/0_117_3258_1955\/master\/3258.jpg?w=620&amp;q=20&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;dpr=2&amp;s=340ee537685fae7f62eaaa06c5b0ea3b 1240w\" media=\"(min-width: 660px) and (-webkit-min-device-pixel-ratio: 1.25), (min-width: 660px) and (min-resolution: 120dpi)\" sizes=\"620px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/08ffcf400cb8a96c3aa28b6341fdd8c5f9a77ca0\/0_117_3258_1955\/master\/3258.jpg?w=620&amp;q=55&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;s=b1cebd9d96f7a67d8f7de3eee6b23daa 620w\" media=\"(min-width: 660px)\" sizes=\"620px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/08ffcf400cb8a96c3aa28b6341fdd8c5f9a77ca0\/0_117_3258_1955\/master\/3258.jpg?w=605&amp;q=20&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;dpr=2&amp;s=b55b9a6c11e2fa42e77c69364d14526d 1210w\" media=\"(min-width: 480px) and (-webkit-min-device-pixel-ratio: 1.25), (min-width: 480px) and (min-resolution: 120dpi)\" sizes=\"605px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/08ffcf400cb8a96c3aa28b6341fdd8c5f9a77ca0\/0_117_3258_1955\/master\/3258.jpg?w=605&amp;q=55&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;s=7d8ef7415a4dbeadc28958cfb42e7e08 605w\" media=\"(min-width: 480px)\" sizes=\"605px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/08ffcf400cb8a96c3aa28b6341fdd8c5f9a77ca0\/0_117_3258_1955\/master\/3258.jpg?w=445&amp;q=20&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;dpr=2&amp;s=373928e0e06ca128e7ad86690f74d943 890w\" media=\"(min-width: 0px) and (-webkit-min-device-pixel-ratio: 1.25), (min-width: 0px) and (min-resolution: 120dpi)\" sizes=\"445px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/08ffcf400cb8a96c3aa28b6341fdd8c5f9a77ca0\/0_117_3258_1955\/master\/3258.jpg?w=445&amp;q=55&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;s=22f713123986f0a2a1ea40eab7554904 445w\" media=\"(min-width: 0px)\" sizes=\"445px\" \/><img decoding=\"async\" class=\"gu-image\" src=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/08ffcf400cb8a96c3aa28b6341fdd8c5f9a77ca0\/0_117_3258_1955\/master\/3258.jpg?w=640&#038;ssl=1\" alt=\"Naomi Klein\" data-recalc-dims=\"1\" \/><\/picture><\/div>\n<div class=\"block-share block-share--article hide-on-mobile \" data-link-name=\"block share\"><\/div><figcaption class=\"caption caption--img caption caption--img\">Naomi Klein documented that neoliberals advocated the use of crises to impose unpopular policies while people were distracted. Photograph: Anya Chibis for the Guardian<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>As Naomi Klein documents in <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/books\/2007\/sep\/15\/politics\" data-link-name=\"in body link\"><em>The Shock Doctrine<\/em><\/a>, neoliberal theorists advocated the use of crises to impose unpopular policies while people were distracted: for example, in the aftermath of Pinochet?s coup, the Iraq war and Hurricane Katrina, which Friedman described as ?an opportunity to radically reform the educational system? in <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/us-news\/series\/hurricane-katrina-10-years-on\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">New Orleans<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>Where neoliberal policies cannot be imposed domestically, they are imposed internationally, through trade treaties incorporating ?<a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/commentisfree\/2013\/nov\/04\/us-trade-deal-full-frontal-assault-on-democracy\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">investor-state dispute settlement<\/a>?: offshore tribunals in which corporations can press for the removal of social and environmental protections. When parliaments have voted to restrict sales of <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/us-news\/series\/hurricane-katrina-10-years-on\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">cigarettes<\/a>, protect water supplies from mining companies, freeze energy bills or prevent pharmaceutical firms from ripping off the state, corporations have sued, often successfully. Democracy is reduced to theatre.<\/p>\n<aside class=\"element element-pullquote element--supporting\">\n<blockquote>\n<p class=\"pullquote-paragraph\">Neoliberalism was not conceived as a self-serving racket, but it rapidly became one<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/aside>\n<p>Another paradox of neoliberalism is that universal competition relies upon universal quantification and comparison. The result is that workers, job-seekers and public services of every kind are subject to a pettifogging, stifling regime of assessment and monitoring, designed to identify the winners and punish the losers. The doctrine that Von Mises proposed would free us from the bureaucratic nightmare of central planning has instead created one.<\/p>\n<p>Neoliberalism was not conceived as a self-serving racket, but it rapidly became one. Economic growth has been markedly slower in the neoliberal era (since 1980 in Britain and the US) than it was in the preceding decades; but not for the very rich. Inequality in the distribution of both income and wealth, after 60 years of decline, rose rapidly in this era, due to the smashing of trade unions, tax reductions, rising rents, privatisation and deregulation.<\/p>\n<p>The privatisation or marketisation of public services such as energy, water, trains, health, education, roads and prisons has enabled corporations to set up tollbooths in front of essential assets and charge rent, either to citizens or to government, for their use. Rent is another term for unearned income. When you pay an inflated price for a train ticket, only part of the fare compensates the operators for the money they spend on fuel, wages, rolling stock and other outlays. The rest reflects the fact that <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/commentisfree\/2013\/nov\/04\/rail-privatisation-train-operators-profit\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">they have you over a barrel<\/a>.<\/p>\n<figure id=\"img-3\" class=\"element element-image img--landscape fig--narrow-caption fig--has-shares \" data-component=\"image\" data-media-id=\"05320d557663eb6197cb76e161859a4a09c807a1\">\n<div class=\"u-responsive-ratio\"><picture><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/05320d557663eb6197cb76e161859a4a09c807a1\/0_0_2726_2049\/master\/2726.jpg?w=620&amp;q=20&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;dpr=2&amp;s=7253d767495c54f6b1bbab48cf24a27c 1240w\" media=\"(min-width: 660px) and (-webkit-min-device-pixel-ratio: 1.25), (min-width: 660px) and (min-resolution: 120dpi)\" sizes=\"620px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/05320d557663eb6197cb76e161859a4a09c807a1\/0_0_2726_2049\/master\/2726.jpg?w=620&amp;q=55&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;s=96ea388832a7a019a28c018d24fd70a1 620w\" media=\"(min-width: 660px)\" sizes=\"620px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/05320d557663eb6197cb76e161859a4a09c807a1\/0_0_2726_2049\/master\/2726.jpg?w=605&amp;q=20&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;dpr=2&amp;s=2e4ac700ec6adfea7ceb622c49fe5c48 1210w\" media=\"(min-width: 480px) and (-webkit-min-device-pixel-ratio: 1.25), (min-width: 480px) and (min-resolution: 120dpi)\" sizes=\"605px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/05320d557663eb6197cb76e161859a4a09c807a1\/0_0_2726_2049\/master\/2726.jpg?w=605&amp;q=55&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;s=8055ef91a09ded7888e3603df29a5e06 605w\" media=\"(min-width: 480px)\" sizes=\"605px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/05320d557663eb6197cb76e161859a4a09c807a1\/0_0_2726_2049\/master\/2726.jpg?w=445&amp;q=20&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;dpr=2&amp;s=43894e24ee121d4011eb76a2a28873db 890w\" media=\"(min-width: 0px) and (-webkit-min-device-pixel-ratio: 1.25), (min-width: 0px) and (min-resolution: 120dpi)\" sizes=\"445px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/05320d557663eb6197cb76e161859a4a09c807a1\/0_0_2726_2049\/master\/2726.jpg?w=445&amp;q=55&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;s=4cebb2e91bc6f5e9eb09cddc028cd799 445w\" media=\"(min-width: 0px)\" sizes=\"445px\" \/><img decoding=\"async\" class=\"gu-image\" src=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/05320d557663eb6197cb76e161859a4a09c807a1\/0_0_2726_2049\/master\/2726.jpg?w=640&#038;ssl=1\" alt=\"Carlos Slim\" data-recalc-dims=\"1\" \/><\/picture><\/div>\n<div class=\"block-share block-share--article hide-on-mobile \" data-link-name=\"block share\"><\/div><figcaption class=\"caption caption--img caption caption--img\">In Mexico, Carlos Slim was granted control of almost all phone services and soon became the world?s richest man. Photograph: Henry Romero\/Reuters<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>Those who own and run the UK?s privatised or semi-privatised services make stupendous fortunes by investing little and charging much. In Russia and India, oligarchs acquired state assets through fire sales. In Mexico, <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/business\/2015\/dec\/06\/carlos-slim-biography-diego-enrique-osorno-interviews\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">Carlos Slim<\/a> was granted control of almost all landline and mobile phone services and soon became the world?s richest man.<\/p>\n<p>Financialisation, as Andrew Sayer notes in <em><a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/bookshop.theguardian.com\/catalog\/product\/view\/id\/347173\/\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">Why We Can?t Afford the Rich<\/a><\/em>, has had a similar impact. ?Like rent,? he argues, ?interest is &#8230; unearned income that accrues without any effort?. As the poor become poorer and the rich become richer, the rich acquire increasing control over another crucial asset: money. Interest payments, overwhelmingly, are a transfer of money from the poor to the rich. As property prices and the withdrawal of state funding load people with debt (think of the switch from student grants to student loans), the banks and their executives clean up.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p>Sayer argues that the past four decades have been characterised by a transfer of wealth not only from the poor to the rich, but within the ranks of the wealthy: from those who make their money by producing new goods or services to those who make their money by controlling existing assets and harvesting rent, interest or capital gains. Earned income has been supplanted by unearned income.<\/p>\n<p>Neoliberal policies are everywhere beset by market failures. Not only are the banks too big to fail, but so are the corporations now charged with delivering public services. As Tony Judt pointed out in <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/books\/2010\/apr\/11\/ill-fares-land-tony-judt\" data-link-name=\"in body link\"><em>Ill Fares the Land<\/em><\/a>, Hayek forgot that vital national services cannot be allowed to collapse, which means that competition cannot run its course. Business takes the profits, the state keeps the risk.<\/p>\n<p>The greater the failure, the more extreme the ideology becomes. Governments use neoliberal crises as both excuse and opportunity to cut taxes, privatise remaining public services, rip holes in the social safety net, deregulate corporations and re-regulate citizens. The self-hating state now sinks its teeth into every organ of the public sector.<\/p>\n<p>Perhaps the most dangerous impact of neoliberalism is not the economic crises it has caused, but the political crisis. As the domain of the state is reduced, our ability to change the course of our lives through voting also contracts. Instead, neoliberal theory asserts, people can exercise choice through spending. But some have more to spend than others: in the great consumer or shareholder democracy, votes are not equally distributed. The result is a disempowerment of the poor and middle. As parties of the right and <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/politics\/series\/looking-back-on-new-labour\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">former left<\/a> adopt similar neoliberal policies, disempowerment turns to disenfranchisement. Large numbers of people have been shed from politics.<\/p>\n<figure id=\"img-4\" class=\"element element-image img--landscape fig--narrow-caption fig--has-shares \" data-component=\"image\" data-media-id=\"36a15aa395ab7f962a249b9a7de5afde71c686e8\">\n<div class=\"u-responsive-ratio\"><picture><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/36a15aa395ab7f962a249b9a7de5afde71c686e8\/0_84_3208_1924\/master\/3208.jpg?w=620&amp;q=20&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;dpr=2&amp;s=62c4b9b260c55af9b338bb1ade86314f 1240w\" media=\"(min-width: 660px) and (-webkit-min-device-pixel-ratio: 1.25), (min-width: 660px) and (min-resolution: 120dpi)\" sizes=\"620px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/36a15aa395ab7f962a249b9a7de5afde71c686e8\/0_84_3208_1924\/master\/3208.jpg?w=620&amp;q=55&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;s=1d1318f9be18c471c19069f7e9272ab6 620w\" media=\"(min-width: 660px)\" sizes=\"620px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/36a15aa395ab7f962a249b9a7de5afde71c686e8\/0_84_3208_1924\/master\/3208.jpg?w=605&amp;q=20&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;dpr=2&amp;s=28d35cf46bf93529e2083ca8f5d924b9 1210w\" media=\"(min-width: 480px) and (-webkit-min-device-pixel-ratio: 1.25), (min-width: 480px) and (min-resolution: 120dpi)\" sizes=\"605px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/36a15aa395ab7f962a249b9a7de5afde71c686e8\/0_84_3208_1924\/master\/3208.jpg?w=605&amp;q=55&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;s=9ad5c3689a3a4bf90eec560615c8d744 605w\" media=\"(min-width: 480px)\" sizes=\"605px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/36a15aa395ab7f962a249b9a7de5afde71c686e8\/0_84_3208_1924\/master\/3208.jpg?w=445&amp;q=20&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;dpr=2&amp;s=34dca6f833e2840f3b72a3e4ae5dd20f 890w\" media=\"(min-width: 0px) and (-webkit-min-device-pixel-ratio: 1.25), (min-width: 0px) and (min-resolution: 120dpi)\" sizes=\"445px\" \/><source srcset=\"https:\/\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/36a15aa395ab7f962a249b9a7de5afde71c686e8\/0_84_3208_1924\/master\/3208.jpg?w=445&amp;q=55&amp;auto=format&amp;usm=12&amp;fit=max&amp;s=2682b38827ceddec8d17c2d9c86a06f1 445w\" media=\"(min-width: 0px)\" sizes=\"445px\" \/><img decoding=\"async\" class=\"gu-image\" src=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/i.guim.co.uk\/img\/media\/36a15aa395ab7f962a249b9a7de5afde71c686e8\/0_84_3208_1924\/master\/3208.jpg?w=640&#038;ssl=1\" alt=\"Donald Trump\" data-recalc-dims=\"1\" \/><\/picture><\/div>\n<div class=\"block-share block-share--article hide-on-mobile \" data-link-name=\"block share\"><a class=\"rounded-icon block-share__item block-share__item--facebook js-blockshare-link\" href=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/dialog\/share?app_id=180444840287&amp;href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.theguardian.com%2Fbooks%2F2016%2Fapr%2F15%2Fneoliberalism-ideology-problem-george-monbiot%3FCMP%3Dshare_btn_fb%26page%3Dwith%3Aimg-4%23img-4&amp;picture=https%3A%2F%2Fmedia.guim.co.uk%2F36a15aa395ab7f962a249b9a7de5afde71c686e8%2F0_84_3208_1924%2F3208.jpg\" target=\"_blank\" data-link-name=\"social facebook\"><span class=\"u-h\">Facebook<\/span><\/a><a class=\"rounded-icon block-share__item block-share__item--twitter js-blockshare-link\" href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/intent\/tweet?text=Neoliberalism%20%E2%80%93%20the%20ideology%20at%20the%20root%20of%20all%20our%20problems&amp;url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.theguardian.com%2Fbooks%2F2016%2Fapr%2F15%2Fneoliberalism-ideology-problem-george-monbiot%3FCMP%3Dshare_btn_tw%26page%3Dwith%3Aimg-4%23img-4\" target=\"_blank\" data-link-name=\"social twitter\"><span class=\"u-h\">Twitter<\/span><\/a><a class=\"rounded-icon block-share__item block-share__item--pinterest js-blockshare-link\" href=\"http:\/\/www.pinterest.com\/pin\/create\/button\/?description=Neoliberalism%20%E2%80%93%20the%20ideology%20at%20the%20root%20of%20all%20our%20problems&amp;url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.theguardian.com%2Fbooks%2F2016%2Fapr%2F15%2Fneoliberalism-ideology-problem-george-monbiot%3Fpage%3Dwith%3Aimg-4%23img-4&amp;media=https%3A%2F%2Fmedia.guim.co.uk%2F36a15aa395ab7f962a249b9a7de5afde71c686e8%2F0_84_3208_1924%2F3208.jpg\" target=\"_blank\" data-link-name=\"social pinterest\"><span class=\"u-h\">Pinterest<\/span><\/a><\/div><figcaption class=\"caption caption--img caption caption--img\">Slogans, symbols and sensation ? Donald Trump. Photograph: Aaron Josefczyk\/Reuters<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>Chris Hedges <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"http:\/\/www.truthdig.com\/report\/item\/the_revenge_of_the_lower_classes_and_the_rise_of_american_fascism_20160302\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">remarks<\/a> that ?fascist movements build their base not from the politically active but the politically inactive, the ?losers? who feel, often correctly, they have no voice or role to play in the political establishment?. When political debate no longer speaks to us, people become responsive <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/books\/2016\/mar\/04\/genius-donald-trumpspeak-steven-poole-words\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">instead to slogans, symbols and sensation<\/a>. To the admirers of Trump, for example, facts and arguments appear irrelevant.<\/p>\n<div id=\"dfp-ad--inline2\" class=\"js-ad-slot ad-slot ad-slot--inline ad-slot--inline2 ad-slot--rendered\" data-link-name=\"ad slot inline2\" data-name=\"inline2\" data-mobile=\"1,1|2,2|300,250|fluid\" data-desktop=\"1,1|2,2|300,250|620,1|620,350|fluid\" data-google-query-id=\"CIuY-ZCtqtICFRsNKgod-9ABxA\"><\/div>\n<p>Judt explained that when the thick mesh of interactions between people and the state has been reduced to nothing but authority and obedience, the only remaining force that binds us is state power. The totalitarianism Hayek feared is more likely to emerge when governments, having lost the moral authority that arises from the delivery of public services, are reduced to ?cajoling, threatening and ultimately coercing people to obey them?.<\/p>\n<p>***<\/p>\n<p>Like communism, neoliberalism is the God that failed. But the zombie doctrine staggers on, and one of the reasons is its anonymity. Or rather, a cluster of anonymities.<\/p>\n<p>The invisible doctrine of the invisible hand is promoted by invisible backers. Slowly, very slowly, we have begun to discover the names of a few of them. We find that the Institute of Economic Affairs, which has argued forcefully in the media against the further regulation of the tobacco industry, <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/commentisfree\/2014\/mar\/17\/media-big-tobacco-lobbyists-bbc-cigarette-packs\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">has been secretly funded<\/a> by British American Tobacco since 1963. We discover that <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/us-news\/koch-brothers\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">Charles and David Koch<\/a>, two of the richest men in the world, founded the institute that set up the <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/commentisfree\/cifamerica\/2010\/oct\/25\/tea-party-koch-brothers\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">Tea Party movement<\/a>. We find that Charles Koch, in establishing one of his thinktanks, <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"http:\/\/www.nybooks.com\/articles\/2016\/03\/10\/koch-brothers-new-brand\/\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">noted that<\/a> ?in order to avoid undesirable criticism, how the organisation is controlled and directed should not be widely advertised?.<\/p>\n<aside class=\"element element-pullquote element--supporting\">\n<blockquote>\n<p class=\"pullquote-paragraph\">The nouveau riche were once disparaged by those who had inherited their money. Today, the relationship has been reversed<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/aside>\n<p>The words used by neoliberalism often conceal more than they elucidate. ?The market? sounds like a natural system that might bear upon us equally, like gravity or atmospheric pressure. But it is fraught with power relations. What ?the market wants? tends to mean what corporations and their bosses want. ?Investment?, as Sayer notes, means two quite different things. One is the funding of productive and socially useful activities, the other is the purchase of existing assets to milk them for rent, interest, dividends and capital gains. Using the same word for different activities ?camouflages the sources of wealth?, leading us to confuse wealth extraction with wealth creation.<\/p>\n<p>A century ago, the nouveau riche were disparaged by those who had inherited their money. Entrepreneurs sought social acceptance by passing themselves off as rentiers. Today, the relationship has been reversed: the rentiers and inheritors style themselves entre preneurs. They claim to have earned their unearned income.<\/p>\n<div id=\"dfp-ad--inline3\" class=\"js-ad-slot ad-slot ad-slot--inline ad-slot--inline3 ad-slot--rendered\" data-link-name=\"ad slot inline3\" data-name=\"inline3\" data-mobile=\"1,1|2,2|300,250|fluid\" data-desktop=\"1,1|2,2|300,250|620,1|620,350|fluid\" data-google-query-id=\"CKD50JGtqtICFdsgKgodVi8N1w\"><\/div>\n<p>These anonymities and confusions mesh with the namelessness and placelessness of modern capitalism: the franchise model which ensures that workers <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"http:\/\/maidinlondonnow.blogspot.co.uk\/2015_08_01_archive.html\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">do not know for whom they toil<\/a>; the companies registered through a network of offshore secrecy regimes so complex that <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"http:\/\/www.andywightman.com\/archives\/4377\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">even the police cannot discover the beneficial owners<\/a>; the tax arrangements that bamboozle governments; the financial products no one understands.<\/p>\n<p>The anonymity of neoliberalism is fiercely guarded. Those who are influenced by Hayek, Mises and Friedman tend to reject the term, maintaining ? with some justice ? that it is used today <a class=\"u-underline\" href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/georgemonbiot\/status\/530351056530980864\" data-link-name=\"in body link\">only pejoratively<\/a>. But they offer us no substitute. Some describe themselves as classical liberals or libertarians, but these descriptions are both misleading and curiously self-effacing, as they suggest that there is nothing novel about <em>The Road to Serfdom<\/em>, <em>Bureaucracy<\/em> or Friedman?s classic work, <em>Capitalism and Freedom<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>***<\/p>\n<p>For all that, there is something admirable about the neoliberal project, at least in its early stages. It was a distinctive, innovative philosophy promoted by a coherent network of thinkers and activists with a clear plan of action. It was patient and persistent. <em>The Road to Serfdom<\/em> became the path to power.<\/p>\n<aside class=\"element element-rich-link element--thumbnail element-rich-link--upgraded\" data-component=\"rich-link\" data-link-name=\"rich-link-2 | 2\">\n<div class=\"rich-link tone-letters--item \">\n<div class=\"rich-link__container\">\n<div class=\"rich-link__header\">\n<h1 class=\"rich-link__title\"><a class=\"rich-link__link\">Neoliberalism, Locke and the Green party<\/a><\/h1>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"rich-link__standfirst u-cf\"><\/div>\n<div class=\"rich-link__read-more\"><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/aside>\n<p>Neoliberalism?s triumph also reflects the failure of the left. When laissez-faire economics led to catastrophe in 1929, Keynes devised a comprehensive economic theory to replace it. When Keynesian demand management hit the buffers in the 70s, there was an alternative ready. But when neoliberalism fell apart in 2008 there was &#8230; nothing. This is why the zombie walks. The left and centre have produced no new general framework of economic thought for 80 years.<\/p>\n<p>Every invocation of Lord Keynes is an admission of failure. To propose Keynesian solutions to the crises of the 21st century is to ignore three obvious problems. It is hard to mobilise people around old ideas; the flaws exposed in the 70s have not gone away; and, most importantly, they have nothing to say about our gravest predicament: the environmental crisis. Keynesianism works by stimulating consumer demand to promote economic growth. Consumer demand and economic growth are the motors of environmental destruction.<\/p>\n<p>What the history of both Keynesianism and neoliberalism show is that it?s not enough to oppose a broken system. A coherent alternative has to be proposed. For Labour, the Democrats and the wider left, the central task should be to develop an economic Apollo programme, a conscious attempt to design a new system, tailored to the demands of the 21st century.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/books\/2016\/apr\/15\/neoliberalism-ideology-problem-george-monbiot?CMP=share_btn_tw\" target=\"_blank\">Source<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Financial meltdown, environmental disaster and even the rise of Donald Trump ? neoliberalism has played its part in them all. Why has the left failed to come up with an alternative? ?No alternative? ? Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher at &hellip; <a href=\"https:\/\/www.khanfactor.com\/blog\/?p=2030\">Continue reading <span class=\"meta-nav\">&rarr;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_s2mail":"yes","jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"footnotes":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_publicize_feature_enabled":true,"jetpack_social_post_already_shared":true,"jetpack_social_options":{"image_generator_settings":{"template":"highway","enabled":false}}},"categories":[13,44],"tags":[294],"jetpack_publicize_connections":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"views":1377,"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_shortlink":"https:\/\/wp.me\/p2ttSq-wK","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"jetpack_likes_enabled":true,"jetpack-related-posts":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.khanfactor.com\/blog\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2030"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.khanfactor.com\/blog\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.khanfactor.com\/blog\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.khanfactor.com\/blog\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.khanfactor.com\/blog\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=2030"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/www.khanfactor.com\/blog\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2030\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2031,"href":"https:\/\/www.khanfactor.com\/blog\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2030\/revisions\/2031"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.khanfactor.com\/blog\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=2030"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.khanfactor.com\/blog\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=2030"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.khanfactor.com\/blog\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=2030"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}